Labor market in the national economy

Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation

Federal Agency for Education 

State Educational Institution of Higher Education

“Khabarovsk State Academy of Economics and Law” 

Faculty of International Economic Relations 

Department of Foreign Languages ​​and Intercultural Business Communication 
 

TERM PAPER 

on: Labor market in the national economy 

Рынок труда  в российской экономике 

Student     _IE-81______       _______                ___________    N.N. Grigorovitch

                             № of group                    date                         sign 

Advisor:  Candidate of Pedagogy assistant, Professor                     N.A. Petrova

                                                      degree  
 

                                            Mark          ______________________

                                                                             (defend, for revision, etc.) 

                                             Signature   ________________________

                                                                      «____» _____ 2011 
 

Khabarovsk  2011

 

Content

 

INTRODUCTION

     As famous writer Fedor Tutchev said, we couldn’t understand Russia by mind and common yardstick to measure not.

 These lines very clearly reflect the specifics of many processes in Russia. The process of labor market formation isn’t an exception. A unique “Russian” way of labor restructuring emerged, as soon as market reforms started in Russia. To a large extent this was due to the fact that labor relationships were most tightly regulated segment of the planned economy.

      Roughly, the formation of current Russia’s labor market began since late 1980’s to early 1990’s. It is logical to identify this particular period as a beginning of current Russia’s labor market formation, because exactly at this time radical economic change in all spheres of the Russia’s economy began.  In Soviet times government acted as a single employer and entirely controlled situation on the labor market.  Even separate market elements of socio-labor relationships (freedom to choose areas to apply working skills, independence in employment and dismissal of employees, monetary form of compensation) were under the tight administrative control.

     Today the situation on the labor market of the Russian Federation is totally different. Government doesn’t act as single employer and workers have a lot of options for work.

     But how did Russia’s labor market go through the hardest periods of transition? And what are the peculiarities of labor market model evolving in Russia? What was the reaction of Russia’s labor market to financial crisis? What are the characteristics of today’s Russia’s labor market?

     Answers to these questions will be found through analyzing the main features of national labor market during 1991-2008 and the impact of financial crisis on labor market during 2008-2010. Besides, there will be emphasized the tendencies of today’s Russia’s labor market.

 

1 The features of development of Russia’s labor market during 1991-2008

1.1 The characteristic processes in Russia’s labor market during 1991-2008

     The actual formation of the labor market subjects (economically separate and independent owners of labor, employers and government) started since the late 80's and early 90's. Additionally awareness, formulation and implementation of self-behavioral strategies came at the same time.  Adoption and entry into force of the laws as: "On Cooperation in the USSR" by (26/05/1998), "On Enterprises and entrepreneurial activity (from 12.25 in 1990)," Employment in the USSR "(from 04/19/1992), meant legalization of labor market and creation of preconditions for the formation and its development. [3]

      Three main stages in the evolution of Russian labor market can be distinguished. The first is from 1991 to 1998 and this period became a reflection of deep transformational recession. The second is from 1999 up to early 2008 and this period can be considered as post-recession recovery period. And the third is a period from the second half of 2008 till the present days, which covers world financial crisis and its impact on Russian labor market and its consequences.

     At the start of systemic transition, both government experts and independent analysts provided negative forecast of an explosive rise of unemployment to a level comparable with that in the US during the Great Depression (approximately 25%). However, these forecasts were wrong and no catastrophe occurred to the Russian labor market. Instead, unlike the labor markets of most Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries, it demonstrated a surprisingly high level of mobility and flexibility. Gradually, it became evident that the Russian labor market is conductive to the proliferation of various “non-standard” behavioral patterns that either do not exist in other economies or play a minor role. One thing that should be clarified is that Russian labor market pattern wasn’t formed by premeditated scheme and such spontaneously developed adjustment mechanisms as administrative leave, involuntary work on shortened hours, widespread multiple job-holding, massive wage arrears, and “shadow” labor compensation proved to be a really unusual for those who expected that the Russian labor market would respond in a “standard” way to the shocks of systemic transition. [2] 

      1. Employment and unemployment

     The first characteristic phenomenon of Russia’s labor market is a stable employment and low unemployment.

     In figure 1 (Annex), it can be seen that employment remained stable and steady to the economic shocks (either negative or positive). The connection between the employment dynamics and GDP dynamics was visibly weak:  despite the fluctuations in GDP dynamics, number of employees almost didn’t change. During the transformational recession period GDP shrunk by 39-40% from 1991-1998 and employment fell by less than 15%. In other words, each percentage point output decreasing was followed by approximately 0, 3-0, 35% of employment reduction. (In most CEE countries employment dynamics followed output closely, in fact f 25-30% fall in GDP brought a 10-30% fall in employment.) The Similar asymmetry was seen in the economic recovery period, when GDP growth was for 8,5% and employment growth was for 7-8%. As a result, employment to population ratio has remained unexpectedly high. Initially, it decreased from 71.8% to 58.4% but then – during the recovery period - reached 69%. This puts the Russian employment level significantly above the average for other post-socialist countries. [4]

     According to relatively stable employment, it is reasonably to notice that unemployment tends to be the same (almost stable). (Figure 2, Annex) Unemployment was changing in Russia in a rather atypical way. The trajectory of unemployment changed gradually and slow and only on the seventh year of market reforms the rate of general unemployment passed the 10% level. The highest level was reached in 1998 on the point of 13,3 %. Bearing in mind the depth of transformation crisis, unemployment rate was disproportionately low in comparison to post-socialist countries. (Figure 3, 4, Annex)

     Nevertheless, recession was deeper and protracted in Russia; unemployment had never reached peaks, which were characteristic for other reformed economies as it can be seen from the graphs.

      As for registered unemployment it was atypically low. During 1992-2008 it fluctuated from 1,4 to 3,6 % and in the first half of 2008 remained at point of 2%. (Figure 2, Annex)  None of the CEE countries could maintain the same low registered unemployment. (Figure 4, Annex). One more thing about unemployment in Russia is that, as it’s shown on the figure 2 (Annex), there was a great gap between general and registered unemployment. General unemployment exceeded registered 3-7 times. The huge gap between registered and general unemployment rates in Russia signaled that the majority of jobless people believed that the benefits of official registration didn’t outweigh the costs. Thus, they prefer autonomous job seeking. The proportion of long-term unemployed also remained rather moderate in Russia. The share of this group among surveyed unemployed amounted to 41% in 1998 and among registered unemployed, just 19%. In most transition economies, 40-60% of all unemployed have been seeking jobs for longer than one year.[2] 

      1.1.2 Workforce mobility

   In order to explain such employment and unemployment indicators, it is reasonable to suggest that it is connected with the intensity of workforce mobility. In other words, such characteristics of employment and unemployment could take place if it is inactivity from the both sides. Employers didn’t dismiss workers and workers didn’t quit. Assumption that intensity of workforce mobility in 1990s should be low (because it seemed natural that Russian employees would be afraid to enter the open labor market and lose their jobs, even if this job wasn’t attractive for them, and on the other hand, employers would do as much as it is possible in order not to dismiss workers no matter how poor their economic position was) proved to be wrong.

        The gross worker reallocation rate defined as the sum of the accession rate and the separation rate across all firms reached 43-62% for the whole economy and 45-65% in the industrial sector. Monthly approximately 1 million of workers accessions occurred and 1 million of workers left their jobs. Such activity of Russian companies in hiring was a paradoxical. (Figure 5, Annex) This data shows that, compared to employees in CEE countries, Russians were less attached to their jobs and each year a larger part of them became unemployed. Thereafter, they more easily and quickly found new jobs, thereby moving quite rapidly from the labor force to inactivity and vice versa.

      It’s worth mentioning, the rates of dismissals on the initiative of employers were not spread. Resignations were predominant and averaged 16-25% of payroll staff or 65-80% of the total number of separations.

As it was said assumption that stability of employment was provided by low worker turnover was not right, because empirical facts didn’t prove it. Therefore some other factors should be at work here. Two other interconnected factors are flexible working time and flexible wages. [4] 

    1.1.3 Flexible working time and flexible wages

   As it is illustrated on the figure 6 (Annex), indicators of working time fluctuated in a wide range. For the first 5 years of the transition, annual duration of working hours in the Russia’s economy was shortened by 12% and by 15% in the industrial sector. Further, duration of working time grew rapidly and increased  by 6% in the whole economy and by 16% in the industry by 2008. This distinguished Russia from other post-socialist countries, where working hours remained virtually unchanged. Cutting hours was one of the cheapest ways to adjust labor costs.

Compression of working hours was carried out in two main forms:

  1. involuntary part-time employment
  2. involuntary administrative leaves (unpaid or partially paid holidays)

     A peak of these two forms implementation fell on the middle of 1990s, when annually 6-15% of workers experienced short- time work and 8-15% were in involuntary administrative leaves. (Proliferation of involuntary administrative leaves was stimulated by obligations to compensate violation for workers which were in leaves. It made possible to reduce costs for this form of part-time employment approximately till zero.) Two to three millions were engaged in part-time employment and involuntary administrative leaves monthly.  But in 2007 the situation changed in a positive way and 0,2 millions worked on shortened schedule and 0,4 millions were in administrative leaves. These figures were equivalent to 0,5-1% of all workers employed in Russia’s firms. (Figure 7, Annex) Fast recovery in working hours and the wide use of overtime work limited employment growth in the boom period. As labor costs were reduced by shorter hours, GDP fall was accommodated by wage flexibility.

     The accent was made on such mechanisms as: delays in wage payment, “shadow” compensations. Besides, it is necessary to emphasize the high inflation level, which undermined real wages since nominal ones were not subjected to automatic indexation. (Due to indexation wage increases on magnitude of inflation). The reduction in real wages was associated with 3 negative macroeconomic shocks, when inflation speeded up dramatically. The first shock was connected with price liberalization in 1992, the second shock was in October 1994, so called “black Tuesday” and the third was in August 1998, when default was declared in Russia. In the post-crisis period, although inflation remained high, decrease in nominal wages was outstripped. Annual growth rate was about 10-20% and during post-crisis period real wage tripled, comparing to 1999.(Figure 8, Annex)[2]

     Another no less specific adjustment option could be viewed as “shadow” compensation. This does not refer to non-registered income from small businesses or illegal activities, a phenomenon well known to many economies in the world. Russia’s specifics lie in the fact that large and medium-size enterprises in the legal sector account for the major part of “shadow” compensation. They either disguised wages under other forms of remuneration, or paid them in cash on the basis of informal agreements with employees. Whereas in 1993, “shadow” wages amounted to 20% of the “shown” wages, in 1996-1998, this proportion had increased by 45-46%. Therefore, one-third of total compensation was carried out in “shadow” forms.

     Delays in wage payment have been used as a unique adjustment strategy. This phenomenon is almost unknown in other market economies both mature and in transition. On average in 1996-1997, the previous month’s wages of 50% of all employees had not been paid on time. After the August 1998 financial crash, the proportion of employees with delayed wages for the previous month grew to an enormous 71%. In real terms wage arrears increased by 10 times during the crisis period. The resumption of economic growth became the turning point in the evolution of wage arrears, when all indicators got better. In the middle of 2008 arrears of wages was about 2% of mensal wages bill. (Figure 9, Annex)[4]

 

2 The main tendencies on Russia’s labor market during 2008-2011

2.1The reaction of Russia's labor market to the financial crisis in 2008-2009

     From the end of 2008 till April of 2009 there had been a high tension in the Russia’s labor market. And the most troubling indicator was the level of general unemployment, it reached the point of 10,2 % and it was higher than 2008 about for 4 %. The adaptation of labor market to decreasing of the business activity includes 3 directions: reduction of working time and employment, decreasing of real wages. [12]

      The most noticeable reaction of Russia’s labor market to the economic crisis was decreasing of employment, in contrast with the situation of 90s, when the employment remained relatively stable. Russia’s economy lost 3,4 millions of work positions which were about 5% of the total number of working positions. (Figure 10, Annex) Crisis also caused a reduction in total number of vacancies in 2009, notified in employment service office. Total number of vacancies was by 20-25% lower, comparing to 2008. If employment decreased, the growth rate of registered unemployment speeded up. (Figure 11,Annex) Primarily, it occurred, because of male unemployment decreasing, as crisis first of all affected the industry and construction, where male employment dominated. Female unemployment was also increasing, but slower. The number of unemployment people per 1 vacancy (the most informative indicator of labor market, as takes into consideration supply and demand of labor) increased and the situation in the labor market became worse (since November of 2008), through decline of demand for labor (because of elimination of jobs and a sharp increase in unemployment). (Figure 12, Annex) In contrast, again, with 90’s in 2008 (December) a burst of layoffs happened. During five months (December 2008- May 2009) employment in large and medium-sized enterprises decreased by 1,1 millions of people. (Figure 13, Annex) However the structure of the reasons for dismissal remained relatively stable. (Figure 14, Annex)

      Among retired people, registered as unemployed the share of discharged from power companies and housing and communal services and public administration was decreasing. (Figure 15, Annex)

      The next feature of adaptation is reduction of working time. In the 4th quarter of 2008, enterprises expended the use of models of shortening the time. The coverage of workers by various forms of forced reduction in working hours, is difficult to assess, but in this mode worked about 6% of all employed people in large and medium-sized enterprises only under the initiative of employer. (Figure 16, Annex)

The use of shortening working hours varied widely by industry, in the manufacturing, construction and mining the proportion of working part-time under the initiative of employer was greatest. (Figure 17, Annex)

      With regard to the third direction of adaptation, stability and a slight amount of arrears of wages was noted. The decline in real wages was of 4% and the largest decline in real wages observed in the construction, industry and the financial sector. (Figure 18,19. Annex)

Number of employees to whom a salary arrears, was about 1-1,5% of the total employed by large and medium-sized enterprises. (Figure 20, Annex)[12] 

      2.2 Regional differentiation of labor market conditions and regional programs to reduce tension on the labor market in 2009

     Regional labor markets differ greatly in degree of response to the crisis. To larger extent labor markets of economically developed regions suffered, since the crisis, first of all, affected industry, construction, financial sector and trade. Registered unemployment increased in all regions from the October 2008, at the same time Regional differentiation of the level of registered unemployment decreased. Situation in the regions with the high level of pre-crisis unemployment was more positive, than in regions with low level of pre-crisis unemployment. (Figure 21, Annex) The level of registered unemployed grew during a year (April of 2008- April-2009) in 77 regions. The largest increase was observed in Nizhni Novgorod Region (>9%), Vologda Region (>8%), Kaliningrad Region, Chelyabinsk Region and  Sverdlovsk Region (>7%). [12]

     For reduction of tension on labor market regional programs were implemented. These programs mainly included four kinds of measures: public and temporary work, trainings, relocation and self-employment support. Public and temporary works for the vast majority of regions were the priority. In Penza, Irkutsk, a Leningrad region, Saint-Petersburg and Komi Republic the accent was made on trainings. Self-employment was mainly spread over the Republic of Dagestan, the republic of Tuva, Tyumen, and Rostov region. Significant costs of financing the move are planned in many regions of the Far East, the republic of Ingushetia, Lipetsk and Tomsk regions.   Government of the Russian Federation of 31 December 2008. № 1089 "On granting of subsidies from the federal budget of the Russian Federation on the implementation of additional measures aimed at reducing tensions on the labor market of the Russian Federation”, provided directly in 2009, 43.7 billion rubles in subsidies to the budgets of the Russian Federation on the implementation of additional measures aimed at reducing tensions on the labor market of the Russian Federation. Such additional measures included: the advanced training of workers in the event of mass layoffs, public works, temporary employment and training graduates, the provision of targeted support to citizens, including their transfer to another locality to replace jobs, promoting small businesses and self-employment of the unemployed.[7]

     Additionaly, according to the Russia’s Labor and Employment Agency (Rostrud) report, primary attention in 2009 was paid by Rostrud and state labor inspection to ensuring the timely payment of wages. The number of detected violations in 2009 on the wage was about 132 thousand for the admitted violations of the law by employers on wages fined more than 36.2 thousand officers (2008 - 28,8 thousand) and more than 8,4 thousand legal persons (2008 - 6,9 thousand).[10] 

2.3 Current situation on the Russia’s labor market

      Experts “RIA-Analysis” conducted an analysis of unemployment situation in Russian regions, based on official statistics of Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat). As noted in the study, in most regions of Russia - at 43 - the unemployment rate in the first quarter of 2011 decreased compared to 2010. Leaders to reduce unemployment have become the Chechen Republic, the Republic of Tuva, the Republic of Ingushetia Republic of Khakassia, and the Oryol region. However, in 39 regions, the unemployment rate increased. The greatest increase in unemployment was observed in the Altai Republic, Tomsk Region and Nenets Autonomous District. In 46 regions the unemployment rate for the first quarter of 2011 was higher than the Russian average, and was lower – only in 36. Of the 14 regions with the highest unemployment, 13 are republics. In general, the RF level of unemployment in the first quarter of 2011 compared to the average value in 2010 remained unchanged at 7.5%. In this case, compared to European countries, unemployment in Russia is rather low, especially compared to countries such as Spain (20.7%), Slovakia (13.9%), Hungary (11.9%), France (9.5%).[5]

     Despite the overall acceptable rate, unemployment is strongly differentiated by regions of Russia. As can be seen from a prepared based on the data Rosstat experts RIA-Analysis “rating on the level of unemployment in the region for the I quarter of 2011” the most advantaged in terms of jobs are metropolitan regions - Moscow (unemployment rate - 1.8%), St. Petersburg (2.4%), Moscow Region (3.4%). Against this background, stand out sharply, unemployment rates of the Republic of Ingushetia (48.8%), Chechnya (38.9%), the Altai Republic (18.3%). Worse situation is in the North Caucasus Federal District, where every sixth person (among the economically active population) is unemployed. Therefore, solving the problems of the North Caucasus is inseparable from the problems of employment of the population, which will improve both social and economic situation in the regions. The causes of high unemployment are different, but low level of economic development can be considered as the main one. Studies have shown that, in most cases there is a clear relationship between performance indicators of the regional economy and unemployment. However, in some regions with relatively low economic indicators there are low levels of unemployment. [5]

     A curious fact, which can be attributed to the formation of the national peculiarities of the labor market, is that in regions of Russia there is practically no close relationship between the demand for workers, and stated levels of unemployment. In other words, job availability is not sufficient condition for low unemployment and vice versa. Analysis has shown that the matter is not only in quality of vacancies and working conditions. At present, Russia offers a palette of vacancies, but a substantial portion of unemployed Russians are not willing to actively seek work, and even more not ready to change their place of residence for employment. [8] 

2.4 The main directions in the Governmental employment policy.

 

     President of the Russian Federation, Dmitry Medvedev approved the list of instructions from the meeting on public policies on employment, which was held on the first of March, 2011. The government charged, inter alia, to prepare proposals for the development of measures to ensure employment and mechanisms for their implementation since 2012. In particular, it is necessary to organize vocational training of workers in the modernization of production and implementation of investment projects, provide support for unemployed people starting their own business. The President also instructed to coordinate the implementation of programs aimed at supporting small and medium businesses. Also was also mentioned that there was a necessity to increase employment opportunities for parents who are raising children with disabilities, and parents of many children. In addition, the President instructed to give women who are on leave for child care, opportunities retrain. In accordance with the request of Medvedev, a program of preferential loans to small and medium-sized enterprises, carried out by Vneshekonombank, should receive additional funding from extra budgetary sources. It was mandated to provide subsidies to the budgets of Russian regions in amounts not less than provided in 2011 to finance a system of measures aimed at supporting small and medium-sized businesses. The government also instructed to develop a set of measures for the vocational orientation of students of educational institutions of general education. And as, Prime-minister Vladimir Putin claimed, in 2011, 105 billion rubles in social support for the jobless and for employment programmes will be allocated, which will not focus on providing jobs but on upgrading worker skills and creating conditions in which people will be able to receive new, higher paid jobs that are in demand. The priority right to participation in these programmes is given to the people who objectively have problems with finding jobs.[8, 11]

 

     CONCLUSION

     Crises occurred and all components of the economic system of the country should respond to it. Actually, the features of Russia’s labor market during the crisis period were rather atypical. In the transition period such mechanisms as involuntary part-time employment, involuntary administrative leaves, “shadow” wages and wage arrears were widely used. In addition to that, employment and unemployment were relatively stable and there were not any big jumps in indicators. During a recovery period, the situation improved. But the world financial crisis occurred and the reaction of Russia’s labor market was slightly different. In 2009 unemployment was rather high and a lot of layoffs were indicated. Such mechanisms as involuntary part-time employment, involuntary administrative leaves were observed in few cases. But the indicators of unemployment (especially registered) were high and not stable, comparing to 90s.

     Regional markets differ greatly in degree of response to the crisis. Therefore, government of the Russian Federation implemented regional programs in order to reduce a tension on the labor market.

At present these programs act and essentionally help to reduce a tension on the labor market. As Head of Labor Agency, Yuri Gertsy said: “We can say that the crisis on the labor market has passed, the situation is clear and it is not crisis anymore”. [6]

      As for the model of Russia’s labor market, it is necessary to outline that it has rather nonstandard way of formation but we can see some characteristics that are similar in response to crises, or may be its just consequences of 90’s and in time Russia’s model will find new specific features.  
 

 

Bibliography

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2. Rostislav Kapelyushnikov, "The Russian labor market model: we do not like all" Demoscope Weekly, № 107-108 on March 31 - April 13, 2003  
3. Tikhonov V. M.  Filippov, "The labor market and market of educational services in the Russian Federation," Tutorial "Technosphere", Moscow 2007  
4. Vladimir Gimpelson, Rostislav Kapelushnikov «Labor market Adjustment: Is Russia Different? », Discussion Paper No. 5588 March 2011 IZA P.O. ox 7240 53072 Bonn, Germany

5. RIA-Analysis: Rate of unemployment regions

Retrivered 30 April, 2011 from

http://www.rian.ru/research_rating/20110512/373201069.html  
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Retrivered 03 May, 2011 from

http://www.rian.ru/society/20110314/353809800.html  
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Retrivered 28, April 2011 http://www.labourmarket.ru/crisis_actions.php  
8. The labor market situation in Russia in 2011

Retrivered 02 May, 2011 http://www.rian.ru/society/20110315/354027336.html

9. http://www.gks.ru/ - The Official federal Statistical Office

10. Report of the Head of the Federal Service for Labour and Employment Yu. Gertsy at the enlarged meeting of the Board of the Federal Service for Labour and Employment 

Retrivered 01 May, 2011 http://www.rostrud.ru/press-centre/49/18813.shtml  
11.http://premier.gov.ru - Official website of Prime Minister

12. The Russian labor market: an overview of current trends, the monitoring of the labor market in May 2009, Moscow in June 2009   
Retrivered 27, April 2011 http://www.rostrud.ru
 

  1. В.С. Буланов, Н.А. Волгина «Рынок труда», учебник, М: Экзамен, 2000 – 448 с 
  2. Ростислав Капелюшников, «Российская модель рынка труда: мы не как все» Демоскоп Weekly, № 107-108 31 марта – 13 апреля, 2003
  3. Тихонов А.Н. Филиппов В. М. «Рынок труда и рынок образовательных услуг в субъектах Российской федерации», Учебник  «Техносфера», Москва 2007
  4. Vladimir Gimpelson, Rostislav Kapelushnikov «Labor market Adjustment: Is Russia Different? », Discussion Paper No. 5588 March 2011 IZA P.O. ox 7240 53072 Bonn, Germany
  5. РИА-Аналитика: Рейтинг регионов по безработице http://www.rian.ru/research_rating/20110512/373201069.html
  6. Кризис на рынке труда миновал, но выплаты долгов продолжатся – Роструд http://www.rian.ru/society/20110314/353809800.html
  7. Мероприятия, направленные на снижение напряженности на рынке труда субъектов Российской Федерации в условиях влияния мирового кризиса на рынок труда России в 2009 году

http://www.labourmarket.ru/crisis_actions.php

  1. Ситуация на рынке труда в России в 2011 году

http://www.rian.ru/society/20110315/354027336.html

  1. http://www.gks.ru/ - официальный Федеральная служба статистики
  2. Доклад руководителя Федеральной службы по труду и занятости Ю. Герция на расширенном заседании Коллегии Федеральной службы по труду и занятости  http://www.rostrud.ru/press-centre/49/18813.shtml
  3. http://premier.gov.ru
  4. Российский рынок труда: обзор текущих тенденций, Мониторинг состояния рынка труда май 2009 Москва, Июнь 2009

http://www.rostrud.ru  
 

 

ANNEX 

Figure 1

Figure 2 

Figure 3  

    
 
 
 

Figure 4

 

Figure 5

Figure 6

 

Figure 7

Figure 8

Figure 9

 

Figure 10

 

Figure 11

 
Figure 12

Figure 13

 

Figure 14

 

Figure 15

 

Figure 16

 

Figure 17

Figure 18

 

Figure 19 

Figure 20

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Figure 21 

 

Source: Rosstat

Labor market in the national economy